The Project Gutenberg eBook of Illuminated illustrations of Froissart; Selected from the ms. in the British museum.

This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

Title: Illuminated illustrations of Froissart; Selected from the ms. in the British museum.

Author: Jean Froissart

Compiler: Henry Noel Humphreys

Release date: July 24, 2021 [eBook #65908]
Most recently updated: October 18, 2024

Language: English

Credits: Turgut Dincer, Chuck Greif and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced from images made available by the HathiTrust Digital Library.)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ILLUMINATED ILLUSTRATIONS OF FROISSART; SELECTED FROM THE MS. IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. ***

List of Plates
(In certain versions of this etext [in certain browsers] clicking on the image will bring up a larger version.)

A couple of typographical errors have been corrected; the explanation follows the text.

(etext transcriber's note)

[Pg 1]

ADVERTISEMENT.

ILLUMINATED ILLUSTRATIONS TO FROISSART.

The present Volume completes the selection of Pictures made from the two volumes of the MS. in the British Museum. As these volumes, however, consist only of the Fourth Book of Froissart, none of the Illustrations have reference to any of the first three Books of the history. It has been determined, therefore, at the earnest solicitation of very many of the Subscribers to the present series, to publish a selection from the first, second and third Books, contained in the celebrated MS. in the Bibliothèque Royale at Paris, to correspond in extent and price with that now completed.

By this arrangement, the entire Chronicles will be illustrated; and as the drawings in the Paris MS. are, in many respects, very superior to those in the two volumes at the Museum, it is hoped that the publication of the additional twelve Numbers will give general satisfaction.

The first Number from the Paris MS. will be published on the first of January, price 3s. 6d.

December 1st, 1843.

[Pg 2]

[Pg 3]

ILLUMINATED

ILLUSTRATIONS OF FROISSART.

[Pg 4]

[Pg 5]

[Pg 6]

[Pg 7]

ILLUMINATED

ILLUSTRATIONS OF FROISSART.

SELECTED FROM

The MS.

IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.

BY H. N. HUMPHREYS, ESQ.

LONDON:
WILLIAM SMITH, 113, FLEET STREET.

MDCCCXLIV.
[Pg 8]

LONDON:
BRADBURY AND EVANS, PRINTERS, WHITEFRIARS
[Pg 9]

ADVERTISEMENT.

The idea of publishing these illuminations was suggested by the great success which has attended the reprint of the Chronicles of Monstrelet and Froissart; the extensive sale of which books bears strong testimony to the searching spirit of inquiry now abroad. We are no longer content to read our early history through the filtered medium of a compilation, but seek it in the vivid pages of the chroniclers, who drew from the life, and sketched off in simple and quaint, but earnest language, the stirring panorama of their times. But the pleasure of reading such an historian as Froissart, in an ordinary printed book, is small when compared with that of reading him in one of the curious manuscripts of his own time.

To unclose the gilded clasps of one of those ponderous velvet-bound volumes, to turn over the crisp vellum, and read the story of those exciting times traced in quaint Gothic characters by careful clerks; but above all to admire the curious and elaborate borderings of the illuminated pages, and dwell on the miniature pictures, wrought with the greatest care and beauty by the most skilful contemporary limners, to embody more tangibly the narration of the author, is indeed a pleasure;—yet one which but few can enjoy. To afford that enjoyment to the many, and place before them some of the most interesting of these rare illuminations, is the object of the present publication.

The British Museum contains a magnificent MS. of Froissart, profusely illuminated with such miniature pictures. This MS. came into the Museum with the Harleian Collection, but how it found its way into that collection is unknown; we possess, however, only two of the volumes, the other two being in the Bibliothèque Royale of Paris. The work appears to be one of Flemish art, probably executed by some Flemish artist resident in Paris, as the public buildings in Paris are very correctly delineated, whilst those of other places are frequently altogether imaginary. It seems likely that the work was executed for Philip De Commines the historian, as it was evidently produced in his time, and as the arms of De Commines frequently occur in the ornamental borderings in the way it was usual to introduce those of the person for whom such a book was illuminated. The MS. is supposed[Pg 10] to have been written between the years 1460 and 1480, very shortly after the time of Froissart; so that, though it is true that artists of that time painted all costumes from those of their own day, yet, as the fashions did not change so rapidly then as now, we may fairly imagine that we see the heroes and worthies of Froissart paraded before us in the very dresses which they wore; their glittering and complicated plate armour, their embroidered surcoats, emblazoned banners, and all the gorgeous paraphernalia of chivalry.

In these pictures we see them at their tournaments, exhibiting their well-trained horsemanship, their strength and skill in arms,—in their wars we see them in the more earnest exercise of their reckless valour; we see their vast engines of warfare which preceded cannon; and the first rude cannon of wood hooped with iron—we see also their frail ships, in which, without fear, the daring spirits of those times trusted themselves recklessly to the treacherous ocean. We see the burghers in their towns, and the lords in their castles; we see them in the intimacy of their domestic life and habits; we see the very patterns of the hangings of their rooms, and every minute incident of their household arrangements, their banquets and their festivals, represented by an artist of no mean skill; and when we consider that these illuminations were executed before Raphael was born, we cannot (with all their faults of perspective) but be astonished at their beauty and life-like accuracy, and frequently at the fine arrangement of drapery, and beautiful distribution of colour.

The present illuminations, copied from the precious MS. above alluded to, will be made as near fac-similes as possible, without any attempt at correction, or alteration in the drawing, so as to show the true spirit of the Gothic artist, and exhibit the state of art at the period. They are also the same size as the originals; yet so arranged, by occasionally sacrificing a little margin, that our subscribers may bind them up with the recent edition of Froissart (now the only one in print), and so possess a book nearly as interesting as the original MS. itself.

The ornamental letters given on the title-page, as well as the border in which are the arms of De Commines, are taken from the MS. referred to.[Pg 11]

LIST OF PLATES,

WITH

REFERENCES TO SMITH’S EDITION OF “FROISSART,” IN TWO VOLUMES.

PLATE |  | VOL. | PAGE
I. | THE CORONATION OF POPE BONIFACE IX. | II. | 426
II. | MARRIAGE OF KING LOUIS OF SICILY TO THE DAUGHTER OF KING PEDRO OF ARRAGON | II. | 406
III. | PROCLAMATION OF THE TRUCE BETWEEN RICHARD II. OF ENGLAND AND CHARLES VI. OF FRANCE | II. | 395
IV. | EXPEDITION OF THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH TO THE COAST OF AFRICA, AT THE REQUEST OF THE GENOESE | II. | 466
V. | THE RAISING OF THE SIEGE OF THE STRONG TOWN OF AFRICA | II. | 482
VI. | TOURNAMENT AT ST. INGLEVERE, NEAR CALAIS | II. | 434
VII. | ATTACK ON SIR OLIVER DE CLISSON | II. | 521
VIII. | MEETING OF CHARLES VI. AND DUKE OF BRITTANY AT TOURS | II. | 507
IX. | SURRENDER AND RE-TAKING OF THE CASTLE OF VENTADOUR | II. | 314
X. | THE GREAT ASSAULT UPON THE TOWN OF AFRICA | II. | 472
XI. | JOURNEY OF CHARLES VI. AND THE DUKE OF TOURAINE FROM MONTPELIER TO PARIS | II. | 424
XII. | SIR PETER DE CRAON RECEIVED BY THE DUKE OF BRITTANY | II. | 527
XIII. | THE SUDDEN DEATH OF COUNT GASTON DE FOIX | II. | 493
XIV. | THE KING OF HUNGARY IN COUNCIL WITH HIS LORDS AND THOSE OF FRANCE | II. | 602
XV. | THE DUKES OF BURGUNDY AND BERRI IN COUNCIL | II. | 536
XVI. | THE EMPEROR OF GERMANY AND THE KING OF FRANCE IN COUNCIL | II. | 659 [Pg 12]
XVII. | SIR JOHN FROISSART PRESENTING HIS BOOK TO RICHARD II. | II. | 577
XVIII. | INTERVIEW OF RICHARD II. WITH THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER AT THE CASTLE OF PLESHY | II. | 644
XIX. | THE RANSOM PAID TO BAJAZET FOR THE COUNT DE NEVERS, ETC. | II. | 648
XX. | THE ARREST OF THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER | II. | 644
XXI. | RICHARD II. SETTING OUT ON HIS EXPEDITION TO IRELAND | II. | 567
XXII. | THE VISION OF ROBERT L’ERMITE | II. | 584
XXIII. | THE LIBERATION OF THE LORD DE LA RIVIERE | II. | 588
XXIV. | CORONATION OF HENRY IV. | II. | 698
XXV. | MEETING OF THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY WITH THE EARL OF DERBY AT PARIS | II. | 684
XXVI. | WILLIAM OF HAINAULT SETTING OUT ON HIS EXPEDITION AGAINST FRIESLAND | II. | 612
XXVII. | LANDING OF THE LADY DE COUCY AT BOULOGNE | II. | 701
XXVIII. | DEATH OF POPE CLEMENT OF AVIGNON | II. | 564
XXIX. | THE KING OF FRANCE RECEIVING THE INTELLIGENCE OF THE DEFEAT IN TURKEY | II. | 628
XXX. | THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER AND SIR JOHN LACKINGAY | II. | 636
XXXI. | DEATH OF ANNE OF BOHEMIA | II. | 566
XXXII. | DEATH OF EVAN DE FOIX | II. | 551
XXXIII. | DUCHESS OF ORLEANS QUITTING PARIS | II. | 633
XXXIV. | RECONCILIATION OF SIR OLIVER DE CLISSON AND THE DUKE OF BRITTANY | II. | 589
XXXV. | JEHAN DE VARENNES PREACHING | II. | 565
XXXVI. | THE FUNERAL OF RICHARD II. | II. | 708

[Pg 13]

The Coronation of Pope Boniface at Rome after the death of Urban VIᵗʰ.

[Pg 15][Pg 14]

PLATE I.

THE CORONATION OF POPE BONIFACE IX.

Pope Clement of Avignon, on hearing of the death of Urban VI. of Rome, assembled a conclave of Cardinals of his party, and strong hopes were entertained that the schism in the Church would be put an end to; nevertheless the Cardinals at Rome immediately elected Perrin de Tomacelli, Cardinal of Naples, who was crowned with great solemnity in October 1389, and took the name and title of Boniface IX., Clement continuing to act as Pope at Avignon. The composition of this illumination is arranged with great simplicity; the faces are of appropriate character and expression, and from their great variety and carefully varied features, it appears probable that some of them may be actual portraits of the individuals represented. It is coloured with exceeding richness; the flow and disposition of some of the drapery is almost equal to Albert Durer; and the linear perspective is pretty nearly correct.[Pg 17][Pg 16]

The Marriage of King Louis son of the Duke of Anjou to the Daughter of King Peter of Arragon.

[Pg 19] [Pg 18]

PLATE II.

THE MARRIAGE OF KING LOUIS OF SICILY, SON OF THE DUKE OF ANJOU, TO THE DAUGHTER OF KING PEDRO OF ARRAGON.

This is one of the most carefully executed pictures in the volume; and the arrangement of the figures at the sides, combined with the impressive and characteristic simplicity of the central group, could scarcely be surpassed by modern artists; indeed, in symmetrical arrangement, they appear to be borrowing ideas from these illuminations of the middle ages, as may be perceived in some recent modern pictures. The account of this marriage is omitted in some of the MSS. of Froissart.[Pg 21][Pg 20]

Proclamation of the renewal of the truce between the Kings of France and England, after the King of France’s recovery.

[Pg 23][Pg 22]

PLATE III.

THE PROCLAMATION OF THE TRUCE BETWEEN RICHARD II. OF ENGLAND AND CHARLES VI. OF FRANCE.

This truce (long delayed on account of the temporary insanity and sickness of the French king) between Richard II. of England and Charles VI. of France, was agreed should last from Michaelmas to St. John Baptist’s day, 1392, and one year longer. The drawing evidently represents a French town, as the provincial towns of France, even earlier than that period, had lofty houses of stone, many of which endure perfect to the present day, whilst in England the common houses of the towns of the same period were mostly built of timber and plaster, and were of very rude construction. This plate is also interesting on account of exhibiting so accurately the dress and general appearance of French citizens of the fourteenth century.[Pg 25][Pg 24]

The expedition of the French and English to the coast of Africa, at the request of the Genoese.

[Pg 27][Pg 26]

PLATE IV.

THE EXPEDITION OF THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH TO THE COAST OF AFRICA, AT THE REQUEST OF THE GENOESE.

The Genoese, whose trade and coasts had been much annoyed by the piratical excursions of African corsairs, determined to attack them in their stronghold, a town called Africa, about seventy miles from Tunis, subsequently destroyed by Andrea Doria. In order to give effect to the expedition, the Genoese invited knights of reputation from France, England, and other countries, to take charge of it; furnishing them with vessels and provisions, and several thousand Genoese crossbowmen and infantry free of cost. The proposition being readily embraced by many French and English knights of rank, the command was assumed by the Duke de Bourbon, the uncle of the King of France, and they sailed from Genoa on St. John Baptist’s Day, 1390; and Froissart says, “It was a beautiful sight to view this fleet, with the emblazoned banners of the different lords fluttering in the wind, and to hear the minstrels and other musicians sounding their pipes, clarions, and trumpets, whose sounds were re-echoed back by the sea.” They re-assembled at the island of Commino, after having been dispersed in a great storm; and the weather being fine, the sea calm, and the coast of Africa not far distant, many advanced in rowing-boats. Froissart continues. “It was a pleasure to see the rowers force their way through the smooth surface of the sea, which seemed to delight in bearing these Christians to the shores of the infidels;” and, “it was a fine sight to view their various banners and pennons fluttering with gentle gales, and glittering in the sun.” This appears to be the moment depicted by the illuminator. The personage in the rowing-boat in the foreground appears to be the Duke de Bourbon. In the large vessel are several French knights, with probably the Count d’Eu in the centre; and in the vessel partly seen on the left is Henry de Beaufort (a natural son of the Duke of Lancaster), who was in this expedition attended by many knights and squires of rank. Although the perspective in this picture is rather barbarous, and its composition fearfully inartificial, it has much interest if not merit of detail: it displays the manner of exposing the emblazoned shields of the knights on the sides of their vessels, and many other particulars interesting to the antiquary, and the artist has displayed considerable discrimination between the regular and more refined features of the knights and gentlemen so comfortably placed within the vessels, and the ignoble expression of the poor rowers, so barbarously exposed in an open framework outside the boat of the Duke de Bourbon.[Pg 29][Pg 28]

The raising of the Siege of the strong Town of Africa, and the return of the European Knights.

[Pg 31][Pg 30]

PLATE V.

THE RAISING OF THE SIEGE OF THE STRONG TOWN OF AFRICA, AND THE RETURN OF THE EUROPEAN KNIGHTS.

The siege of Africa having failed, as it was thought partly in consequence of the pride and obstinacy of the Duke de Bourbon, and the army having fruitlessly remained sixty days before the place, suffering much loss, as well by the heat of the weather as in an attempt to take the town by storm, it was determined that they should re-imbark, and return to Europe, which they did.

In the picture, the Duke de Bourbon, in gilt armour, is seen following his standard-bearer into a boat; in the middle distance is the camp, about to be broken up; and farther off is seen the town, of course a mere imagination of the Flemish artist, for it represents all the characteristics of a Flemish town of the period. It is, however, beautifully pencilled, and reminds one of backgrounds of Flemish pictures of the best period.[Pg 33][Pg 32]

Tournament held at Sᵗ. Inglevere near Calais where three French Knights defend the lists for thirty days against all comers from England, and elsewhere.

[Pg 35][Pg 34]

PLATE VI.

TOURNAMENT HELD AT ST. INGLEVERE, NEAR CALAIS, WHEN THREE FRENCH KNIGHTS DEFENDED THE LISTS FOR THIRTY DAYS, AGAINST ALL COMERS FROM ENGLAND AND ELSEWHERE.

Sir John Holland, half brother to king Richard the Second, and many English knights, went over to Calais to accept the challenge of the French knights at this tournament. Three rich vermilion-coloured tents were pitched near to the lists, and in front of which were suspended two targets, for peace or war, emblazoned with the arms of each lord. It was ordered that such as were desirous of performing any deed of arms, should send to or have touched one or both of these targets according to their pleasure, and they would be tilted with according to their request. The following is Froissart’s account of one of the encounters, each of which he describes minutely.

“Sir Henry Beaumont” (an Englishman) “then came forward, and sent to have the target of Sir Boucicaut” (one of the French knights) “touched, who was instantly ready to reply to the call, having not dismounted from the tilts with Lord Clifford. The Lord Beaumont did not manage his lance well, and hit Boucicaut on the side, but Sir Boucicaut struck him so full in the middle of his shield, that it drove him to the ground, and continued his course. Lord Beaumont was raised up by his attendant and remounted. The Lord de Saimpi” (another of the French knights) “then presented himself, and they tilted two courses very handsomely, without hurt to either.”

The king of France was present in disguise at this tournament, and returned each evening after the tilting to an inn at Marquise; the English returned each evening to Calais; while the three French knights and their attendants were lodged at the convent of St. Inglevere.

This illumination shows extremely well the disposition of the lists, &c. &c., and the bearing of the knights in running a course.[Pg 37][Pg 36]

The attack on Sir Oliver de Clisson by the followers of Sir Peter de Craon.

[Pg 39][Pg 38]

PLATE VII.

THE ATTACK ON SIR OLIVER DE CLISSON, BY THE FOLLOWERS OF SIR PETER DE CRAON.

Sir Peter de Craon having been disgraced by King Charles VI. and his brother the Duke of Touraine, and banished the court of France, imagined Sir Oliver de Clisson to be the remote cause of his disfavour. To revenge himself, therefore, he caused many men-at-arms to conceal themselves in his hôtel at Paris; and having been privately informed of all the movements of Sir Oliver, who supped with the King on the day of the feast of the Holy Sacrament, and remained the last of the party, he attacked him on his way home with his men, and would have cruelly murdered him, but for a lucky accident that saved his life. Having received a severe blow on the back of his head that struck him senseless from his horse, he fell against the door of a baker, who was already up to attend to his bread, and hearing the noise, had slightly opened the door, which the weight of Sir Oliver now threw completely back, and he fell into the shop. The horsemen, thinking they had done their work effectually, now rode off, and thus Sir Oliver escaped, though desperately wounded. The King was much affected on hearing of the attempted murder of Sir Oliver, who was High Constable of France, and went immediately in his night-dress and slippers to visit him, for it was very near the hôtel St. Pol, and the King was not yet in bed when news of the event reached him. Sir Peter, though pursued immediately, escaped into Spain, and eventually he was again received into favour, and Sir Oliver fell into disgrace.

The artist has represented the hôtel St. Pol in the distance, adorned with niches and bronze statues, which, if not a true representation of the building, is interesting, as showing that such decorations were not unusual in the exterior architecture of houses of consequence at that period.[Pg 41][Pg 40]

The meeting of Charles VIᵗʰ of France and the Duke of Brittany at Tours

[Pg 43][Pg 42]

PLATE VIII.

THE MEETING OF CHARLES VI. OF FRANCE, AND THE DUKE OF BRITTANY AT TOURS.

Misunderstandings having long existed between the King (Charles VI.) of France and the Duke of Brittany, and being much increased by the protection afforded by the Duke to Sir Peter de Craon, many feared that other powerful Lords might follow his rebellious example, and the supremacy of the Crown, by degrees, be lost. It was, therefore, determined to invite the Duke to a conference with the King at Tours, which, after some difficulty, was effected; and though much bitterness was shown on both sides during the discussion, all disputes were eventually adjusted, and a general good understanding secured, by the proposal of a marriage between the son of the Duke of Brittany and a daughter of the King of France; and also between a son of the Lord of Blois and a daughter of the Duke of Brittany.

This illumination is among the best in the volume; the colours are vivid, and the gold enrichments managed with good effect; the moment represented is, doubtless, the first meeting of the Duke and the King, the former kneeling, (having removed his coronet), in token of homage. The two personages on the right are the Dukes of Burgundy and Berri, the King’s uncles. The introduction of the Pages of the Duke of Brittany in the foreground is managed with good effect; and the design of the apartment, with its tapestries, &c. is very interesting, as exhibiting a system of colouring, in which the ceiling is the darkest feature, and the floor the lightest: a principle just resuscitated with great effect by some of our leading architects.[Pg 44]

The retaking and surrender of the strong Castle of Ventadour.

[Pg 46][Pg 45]

PLATE IX.

THE SURRENDER AND RE-TAKING OF THE STRONG CASTLE OF VENTADOUR[1].

This subject is interesting, as showing pretty accurately the arrangement of the interior works of a fortified castle of the fourteenth century, and the manner of taking possession of such a place by an armed force.

The circumstances connected with the taking of this fortress by the troops of the Duke de Berri, are briefly as follows.

The wars between the French and English, which devastated a large portion of France during part of the fourteenth century, were aggravated in their ruinous effects upon the people by the Free Companies, a sort of land privateers who, under pretext of belonging to one or other party, pillaged small towns, captured castles when insufficiently defended, and, in short, preyed recklessly upon the defenceless; being, in fact, bands of robbers.

Geoffrey Tête-noire, one of these Free Companions, by the treachery of a servant, gained possession of the castle of Ventadour, in Auvergne, belonging to the Count de Montpensier, which, from its strong position among the mountains, was deemed at that time impregnable by force; indeed, it appears that it was so, for Geoffrey Tête-noire held it till his death, defeating every attempt to gain it by force, and refusing every offer to buy it with money; he considered it as his own inheritance, levying contributions on all the surrounding country, which enabled him to live in great state and plenty. He commenced his passports and treaties of composition with “Geoffrey Tête-noire, duke of Ventadour, count of Limousin, sovereign lord and commander of all the captains in Auvergne, Rouergue, and Limousin.”

The nephews of Geoffrey, Alleyne and Peter Roux, succeeded their uncle in possession of the castle; but the Duke de Berri, who had purchased it of the Montpensier family, determined to obtain possession, and put an end to the dominion of these freebooters. After many fruitless attempts, by force and negociation, Sir William le Boutellier, with Sir John Bonne-lance, and others, formed[Pg 47] a close siege, surrounding the castle with block-houses, &c. &c. But all attempts might have been vain but for the over-cunning of the nephews, who, offering to surrender the place for ten thousand francs, if the two knights would bring the money into the court-yard of the castle, had concealed a body of armed men in a tower near the entrance-gate, to seize them when they should be off their guard.

The knights brought the money, but, having suspicions, had concealed a body of horse, during the night, within a short distance of the entrance, and soon perceiving that treachery was intended, they, as Froissart says, “made a signe to him who bore the horn to sound for their ambuscade;” these, putting spurs to their horses, galloped into the castle, the gate being open, and the nephews were instantly arrested in the king’s name.

The tower above-mentioned was found filled with armed men, who confessed the purport of their concealment there. The intended treachery of Alleyne and Peter was thus proved beyond doubt, and they were eventually tried, and publicly executed. The castle had been in the possession of Geoffry and his nephews above 15 years, and was regained about 1390.

The moment selected by the Illuminator appears to be that, when, after the arrest of Alleyne and his brother, the tower near the gate was opened, and the men-at-arms came from their ambush confessing the intended treachery of the brothers, and begging for mercy, as is minutely related by Froissart. A standard-bearer is seen planting the standard of the Duke de Berri over the gate-tower, and calling by sound of horn the besieging troops, who are seen entering in an orderly manner in the foreground. It may, perhaps, represent the calling of Sir William’s ambuscade of cavalry, but the former view accords best with the arrangement of the picture, and I have no doubt but that was the intention of the artist.[Pg 48]

The attack on the Town of Africa.

[Pg 50][Pg 49]

PLATE X.

THE GREAT ASSAULT UPON THE TOWN OF AFRICA.

During the sixty-one days that the siege lasted, many were the skirmishes and encounters before the town and at the barriers; but the principal assault occurred in consequence of a challenge having been sent by ten Saracens to meet ten Christians in combat, between the town and the camp. Ten knights, among whom was Sir John Russel, an Englishman, having accepted the challenge, went forth to the ground of combat, and the army was drawn up in battle-array to witness the encounter, but the Saracens never came, and the commander thinking it a pity that the day should pass without a little fighting, as they were all prepared, ordered a general assault upon the town. They took the outer wall by storm, but it was little advantage to them, as the enemy retired behind the inner line. The loss sustained by the Christian troops was very great, for numbers fell victims to the heat alone on that day, whilst many were killed in the combat; the Saracens sustaining but slight loss.

After the raising of the siege, the Saracens of Africa, Tunis, Morocco, Granada, and other places, formed an alliance for the purpose of making themselves masters of the Mediterranean, and revenging this siege of Africa. They succeeded so well in annoying the trade of the Venetians, Genoese, &c., that merchandise from the east and south was scarcely to be had for any money; and Froissart winds up the chapter by telling us, that “all sorts of spicery became enormously dear.”

In this illumination, the cannon of the period, made of timber, hooped with iron, are very accurately depicted, as well as the arms and accoutrements of the cross-bowmen: but the view of the town is evidently imaginary, the artist having, probably, seen none but Flemish or French towns, from his impressions of which he seems to have designed his view of Africa.[Pg 52][Pg 51]

The Journey of Charles VIᵗʰ of France and his brother the Duke of Touraine from Montpellier to Paris.

[Pg 54] [Pg 53]

PLATE XI.

THE JOURNEY OF CHARLES VI. OF FRANCE, AND HIS BROTHER THE DUKE OF TOURAINE, FROM MONTPELLIER TO PARIS.

In the year 1389, the King, being then about 21 years of age, visited Toulouse, and many places in the south of France, accompanied by his brother the Duke of Touraine, and a great retinue. He remained three days at Montpellier, for, says Froissart, “the town and the ladies afforded him much pleasure.” However, he was impatient to return to Paris, and the following dialogue with his brother is quaintly narrated:—

“‘Fair brother, I wish we were at Paris, and our attendants where they now are, for I have a great desire to see the Queen, as I suppose you must have to see my sister-in-law.’ ‘My Lord,’ replied the Duke, ‘we shall never get there by wishing it, the distance is too great.’ ‘That is true,’ answered the King, ‘but I think, if I pleased, I could very soon be there.’ ‘Then it must be by dint of hard riding,’ said the Duke of Touraine. ‘I also could do that, but it would be through means of my horse.’ ‘Come,’ said the King, ‘who will be first, you or I?—let us wager on this.’ ‘With all my heart,’ answered the Duke, who would at all times exert himself to get money.”

Our Chronicler goes on to relate, that they quitted Montpellier at the same hour early the next morning, the King attended only by the Lord de Garencières, and the Duke by the Lord de Viefville. All four being young and active, they rode night and day, having themselves occasionally carried forward in carts when they wanted repose.

The King performed the journey in four days and a half; the Duke accomplished it in four days and one third; but it appears that the King would have won but for taking an unreasonable nap of eight hours at Troyes, in Champagne. It is evident that they must have made considerable exertions, as the distance is above 570 miles. Froissart tells us, that “the ladies of the court made great joke of the adventure;” and also adds, “you must know, that the Duke of Touraine insisted on the wager being paid in ready money.” The amount was five hundred francs.

This illumination is very neatly executed, particularly the distant landscape: the houses, seen over the wall, show that, whatever changes have taken place in monumental architecture, the houses of the people, or peasantry, have undergone little change in the simple principles of their construction since the fourteenth century.[Pg 56][Pg 55]

[Pg 58][Pg 57]

PLATE XII.

SIR PETER DE CRAON RECEIVED BY THE DUKE OF BRITTANY.

Froissart relates that “he was in Paris at the time of the daring attack made by Sir Peter de Craon on the Constable de Clisson, and was very anxious to ascertain the true cause of the original disgrace of de Craon, which eventually led to that desperate attempt at revenge.” From Froissart’s information, it appears that de Clisson was in no way connected with Sir Peter’s disgrace. It seems that Sir Peter being handsome, accomplished, and rich, and of nearly the same age as the youthful Duke of Touraine, became a great favourite at Court, the Duke making him his constant companion, and causing him to dress in clothes of the same colour and device as his own, carrying him with him wherever he went, and intrusting him with his most secret thoughts. Froissart proceeds:—“The Duke, at that time young and amorous, much amused himself with the company of ladies and damsels, and, as I heard, was much attached to a young frisky lady of Paris[2].” This intrigue, which it appears was a very innocent flirtation, became known to his Duchess, who cautioned the young lady, one of noble family, never again to hold converse with the Duke as she valued her life. The Duke was soon aware that he had been betrayed, and eventually persuaded his Duchess to confess to him that it was from Sir Peter de Craon that she had obtained her information; and Froissart declares, that “if it was so, Sir Peter behaved most shamefully.”

The King, at the request of the Duke of Touraine, his brother, dismissed Sir Peter from the Court, who, finding himself disgraced, took refuge with his friend and relative the Duke of Brittany, by whom he was well received.

The illumination represents the moment of his reception by the Duke of Brittany. The figures of Sir Peter and his attendant are very well executed, but some of the others are carelessly finished, appearing as though sketched out by the master, but finished by inferior hands. Most of the miniature pictures in the magnificent volumes from which these are taken, are placed, like the present, at the commencement of the chapters, and the pages so ornamented are additionally enriched with[Pg 59] an elaborate border, occupying the outside margin. The pages are written in double columns, and the present Plate is a fac-simile of the outside column of page 238 of the Vol. containing this portion of the Chronicles. The volume is about eighteen inches high by twelve broad. The words at the top of the Plate are the conclusion of a chapter, relating to a truce between England and France, and are—“ne jamais la paix tant que je vive ne me accorderay”—words spoken by the Duke of Gloucester, uncle of Richard II., who declares, he will never, while he lives, consent to make peace by the surrender of Calais. The head of the chapter, written like all the others in red ink, is:—“De Messire Pierre de Craon, et comment il enchey en l’indignation du roy de France et duc de Thouraine son frere et comme’t il fut recoeilles du duc de Bretagne[3].”—Chapp’re XXV.

The chapter commencing with a richly-ornamented capital, begins:—“En ce temporal dont je parolle estoit trop gran[4].[Pg 60]”

The sudden death of Count Gaston de Foix.

[Pg 62][Pg 61]

PLATE XIII.

THE SUDDEN DEATH OF COUNT GASTON DE FOIX.

The Count having passed the morning in the forest of Sauveterre, on the road to Pampeluna, in Navarre, in hunting, during greater part of which he had much exerted himself in hunting a bear, repaired in the afternoon to dinner at the inn of Riou, on his way to his town of Orthés. Having called for water to wash, his two squires, Raymonet de Lasne and Raymonet de Copane, advanced, Emaudon d’Espaign took the silver basin, and another knight, called Sir Thibaut, the napkin. The Count rose from his seat and stretched out his hands to wash; “but,” says Froissart, “no sooner had his fingers, which were handsome and long, touched the cold water, than he changed colour, from an oppression at his heart, exclaiming, ‘I am a dead man; Lord God have mercy on me!’” He never spoke afterwards; and the two squires who had brought the basin, drank the water, that they might not be suspected of having poisoned it. Gaston de Foix was born 1331, and died 1391.

This illumination is coarsely executed in many respects, doing but little justice to the fine person of the great Count, who was considered one of the handsomest men of his time. It is, however, very interesting, as detailing accurately many interior domestic arrangements, which will be found not greatly differing from old country inns still remaining in remote parts of England, but more frequently in France and Germany.[Pg 64][Pg 63]

The King of Hungary in council with his own Lords and those of France, before crossing the Danube towards Turkey.

[Pg 66][Pg 65]

PLATE XIV.

THE KING OF HUNGARY IN COUNCIL WITH HIS LORDS AND THOSE OF FRANCE.

The Sultan Bajazet[5] appears to have indulged an imaginary scheme of universal empire, purposing to leave to each country its own laws and governors, and reserving to himself only his authority as their lord paramount. With this view, in 1396, he threatened the kingdom of Hungary with invasion, in his way to Rome, which he projected to make the seat of his liberal and universal empire; how liberal, may be inferred from his threat, “that his horse should eat his oats on the altar of St. Peter’s.” Sigismond, king of Hungary, applied to Charles VI. of France for assistance, and many knights of France and other countries, with a considerable force, went to Buda under the command of John of Burgundy, then twenty-two years of age, and son of the duke Philip, to attack Bajazet, with the ultimate project of regaining the Holy Land. Soon after the arrival of the French force, there being no sign of the threatened approach of Bajazet, the king of Hungary held a council, in which were present the principal lords of France and the most influential Hungarian nobles[6]; when it was determined to cross the Danube, and march at once into Turkey. This is the council represented in the present illumination. The figures in bronze armour appear to be Hungarians; the other three on the opposite side are doubtless John of Burgundy, Count of Nevers; the Lord de Couci; and Philip of Artois, Count d’Eu. The water in the distance is, no doubt, intended for the Danube, and not the sea, which it better represents. The whole picture is, however, very carefully executed, and the group outside the tent extremely spirited and natural. A subsequent illumination upon the same subject will illustrate the fate of the expedition.[Pg 68][Pg 67]

The Dukes of Burgundy & Berri sitting in Council as Regents during the illness of Charles VIᵗʰ of France.

[Pg 70][Pg 69]

PLATE XV.

THE DUKES OF BURGUNDY AND BERRI—IN COUNCIL.

In the year 1393, Charles VI. was seized with a frenzy, or madness, during his expedition against the Duke of Brittany; and the Dukes of Burgundy and Berri, the King’s uncles, were, in a council[7] of the principal barons and prelates of the kingdom, appointed regents of the realm during the King’s illness. The illuminator has represented them as sitting in council; the figures in front appear to be members of the commonalty of Paris, who already began to assume an important position in the government; the figure on the left, enveloped in a blue mantle, is evidently intended for a fat and comfortable citizen; a lawyer and a prelate seem to be discussing some very knotty point with many words and gestures, but the two Dukes—the stern men of the sword—take the matter very quietly, and will evidently settle the question according to their own good caprice and interest. The artist has, on this occasion, been very correct in his heraldry: above the Duke of Burgundy is suspended a shield, bearing the ancient and modern arms of Burgundy, quarterly; ancient Burgundy, one and three, bends of or and azure within a bordure gules; modern Burgundy, two and four, azure sémé of fleur-de-lis or, within a bordure compony gules and argent. The arms of Berri were, as depicted, azure, three fleur-de-lis or, within a bordure engrailed gules, as borne by the last unfortunate Duke de Berri, assassinated at the door of the French opera in 1821.[Pg 72][Pg 71]

te eglise de romme chaprelxbn que scauces comment le roy d’allemaigue le roy de france et les seigneurs de lempire et tous leurs consaule furent en la cite de paris et eurent la entreuz pluiseus consaulx et secrets

[Pg 74][Pg 73]

PLATE XVI.

THE EMPEROR OF GERMANY AND THE KING OF FRANCE SITTING IN COUNCIL UPON THE STATE OF THE CHURCH OF ROME.

The Emperor of Germany (Wenceslaus of Luxembourg) visited France, at the solicitation of Charles VI., for the purpose of consulting upon the best mode of terminating the schism of the Romish church, and of putting an end to the rivalry of the two popes of Avignon and Rome, by bringing about the abdication of one of them. It seems needless to add, that the negociations which followed, with such a view of the case, utterly failed.

The illumination represents the Emperor and King sitting in council; probably in the Cathedral of Rheims, where the principal consultations were held.

As a view of the interior of a cathedral, it is particularly interesting at the present time—the repairs and restoration of the Temple Church having called much attention to the polychromic effects produced by the architects of the middle ages, as it exhibits clearly the general and profuse adoption of positive colours and gilding to heighten architectural splendour. The vaulted ceiling of the nave is painted rich full brown, the groining being gilt; the ceiling of the choir is painted deep blue, equally enriched with gilding. This simple colouring of the illuminator exhibits the general effect of polychromic architecture as well as if he had elaborated the intricate devices by which the effects were more generally varied and enriched, and is a sufficient proof, if any sceptics yet remain to require it, that the architects of the middle ages, as well as their ancient Grecian predecessors, considered colour just as essential as form in a grand architectural whole.

The tapestry hung round the lower part of the walls, to the height of ten or twelve feet, is a part of the finish of our cathedral decorations which has, as yet, found no restorer. But it forms an essential feature in their general effect, as planned by their architects; and, ever since it was torn down by our puritanical[Pg 75] ancestors, those noble churches have assumed that cold and stony nakedness of aspect which was never intended by their great creators, and which destroys the air of well tended grandeur and richness they were intended to produce; giving, instead, an appearance of desolation and neglect.

It is quite apparent that the author of this miniature picture painted from what he saw, and that he was greatly impressed by the leading features of the monumental architecture of his day; for it will be observed that he has cut short the transept, reckless of proportion or perspective, for the express purpose of bringing into his picture the circular windows, with their elaborate tracery, one of the most splendid features of that phase of Gothic art.[Pg 77][Pg 76]

Sir John Froissart presenting his book of Love Poems to Richard the second

[Pg 79][Pg 78]

PLATE XVII.

SIR JOHN FROISSART PRESENTING HIS BOOK TO RICHARD II.

Froissart, who originally came to England in the suite of Philippa of Hainault, queen of Edward III., returned, after an absence of twenty-seven years, in 1395, and was well received by Richard II., in recollection of his services and attachment to the Black Prince, his father, and to King Edward and Queen Philippa, his grandfather and grandmother.[8] Froissart relates, with an affecting and very pleasing naïveté, his renewal of old friendships after so long an absence, but is more particularly minute in his description of the interview with the King, when he presented his book of love poems, the romance of Meliador. He says, that “he (the king) opened it, and looked into it with much pleasure;” and continues, “he ought to have been pleased, for it was handsomely written and illuminated, and bound in crimson velvet, with ten silver gilt studs, and roses of the same in the middle, with two large clasps of silver gilt, richly worked with roses in the centre. The King asked me what the book treated of? I replied, ‘Of love!’ He was pleased with the answer, and dipped into several places, reading parts aloud, for he read and spoke French perfectly well, and then gave it to one of his knights, called Sir Richard Credon, to carry to his oratory,” &c. &c.

This illumination forms the frontispiece to Chapter 54.[Pg 81][Pg 80]

Interview of king Richard the second with his uncle the Duke of Gloucester at his Castle of Pleshy

[Pg 83][Pg 82]

PLATE XVIII.

INTERVIEW OF RICHARD II. WITH THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER, AT THE CASTLE OF PLESHY.

The King had at this time great suspicion that his uncle, the Duke of Gloucester, was plotting his deposition, which, whether true or false, enabled persons about the King to exasperate him greatly against his uncle, who determined to arrest him at once. This he feared to do openly, on account of the Duke’s popularity, and effected his purpose in the following manner:—Under pretence of deer-hunting, he went to a palace he had at Havering-at-the-Bower, in Essex: it is about twenty miles from London, and as many from Pleshy, where the Duke of Gloucester generally resided. The King set out from Havering one afternoon without many attendants, and arrived at Pleshy about five o’clock. He came so suddenly to the castle[9] that no one knew of it, until the porter cried out, “Here is the King!” The Duke, who was very temperate, and never sat long at his meals, had already supped, and immediately went out to greet the King; who, under pretence of a meeting with the citizens on the next morning, at which his presence would be advantageous, induced his uncle to accompany him unattended. The mode of the arrest is exhibited in another illumination, which will appear in our next number.

This illumination is a good example of the custom of taking out a portion of the wall, in order to exhibit an interior and exterior view at the same time. The grooms and attendants waiting in the castle-yard are full of character and spirit, and the interior of the apartment, exhibited to us by the bold excision of the illuminator, portrays very accurately the furniture and fittings of the time, and affords valuable hints to artists treating events of this period.[Pg 85][Pg 84]

The payment of the ransom for the Count de Nevers and his fellow prisoners.

[Pg 87][Pg 86]

PLATE XIX.

THE RANSOM PAID TO BAJAZET FOR THE COUNT DE NEVERS, &c.

As related in the description of Plate XIV., the Hungarians, with the body of French, German, and English volunteers, invaded Turkey, and, after many successes of no serious consequence or advantage, laid siege to the city of Nicopolis. But Bajazet had in the mean time not been idle or afraid to attack them, as they supposed, but had been diligently occupied in raising a great army, and was now secretly advancing upon them, ordering a small body of eight thousand men to move forward in advance, as if they were the whole army; but, whenever they met the enemy, to fall back to the main body, which was then to extend as much as possible, enclosing the Christians, and crushing them by numbers.

On the Monday preceding Michaelmas-day, in the year 1396, the small body was perceived by the scouts of the French and Hungarians. The French lords received the information as they sat at dinner, and, somewhat heated with wine, hastened at once to the attack. The King of Hungary sent his marshal, Steulemschalle, to countermand an immediate attack, as he had received information which caused him to suspect the truth, and that the Turks wore in much greater numbers than appeared. But the impetuous Frenchmen were not to be restrained. They rushed upon the enemy with this small band of volunteers, in all not exceeding 700, it is said, and, after performing prodigies of valour, were all either cut to pieces or taken prisoners. The Hungarian army, seeing the French enclosed on all sides and destroyed, were seized with panic, and fled; great numbers being slain by the Turks in pursuit: in short, the rout was most complete, and the King and the Grand Master of Rhodes barely escaped.

Among the few survivors, now prisoners to Bajazet, were the Count de Nevers, the Counts d’Eu and de la Marche, the Lord Henri de Bar, the Lord de Coucy,[Pg 88] and Sir Guy de la Tremouille; these had been set aside by Bajazet, on account of the richness of their dresses, as apparently men of note, who would pay large ransoms; all the other prisoners were put to death in their presence, being brought forth in their shirts and cut to pieces without mercy: “upwards of three hundred gentlemen of different nations,” says Froissart, “were thus pitilessly murdered.” The Lord Boucicaut, Marshal of France, was led forth naked like the others, but spared on the intercession of the Count de Nevers, who threw himself at the feet of the Sultan, and succeeded in that instance in softening his anger, which was great in consequence of the severe loss he had sustained in the battle, full thirty of his own men having fallen for every Christian. The Count de Nevers and his remaining companions were eventually ransomed, but the Lord de Couci and the Count d’Eu both sunk under their misfortunes and died in Turkey, and the Lord Henry de Bar died on his journey back; so that few indeed returned from this disastrous campaign.

The illumination represents the payment of the ransom, and is remarkable, as well as some others relating to the same portion of the history, for the care with which the illuminator has adhered to the general features of Turkish costume in the dresses of the persons who are receiving and registering the money; this is the more singular, as in the apartment and other accessories there is no attempt at an Eastern character; but at that time, it may be supposed, that the turban and flowing robe were as much conventional and traditional appendages of a Turk, as the meagre legs, sharp features, and lace ruffles were of a Frenchman in the time of Hogarth.[Pg 90][Pg 89]

The arrest of the Duke of Gloucester.

[Pg 92][Pg 91]

PLATE XX.

THE ARREST OF THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER.

Richard II. having, as related in the description of Plate XVIII., decoyed his Uncle from his castle of Pleshy, under pretence of wishing his presence at a conference with the citizens, proceeds, conversing with him, towards London, when, on arriving at Stratford, at the top of a lane leading to the Thames, where an ambuscade had been prepared, he suddenly galloped forward, leaving the Duke behind, who was instantly surrounded by a body of men, under the command of the Earl Marshal, who said, “I arrest you in the King’s name!” The Duke, panic-struck on seeing himself thus betrayed, called loudly after the King, who, without turning his head, made off towards London, followed by his attendants. A boat was waiting in the river, and the Duke having been forced on board was carried over to Calais. Finding that he was closely imprisoned in the castle of Calais, he questioned the Earl Marshal as to the intentions of the King and the cause of his arrest. The Earl merely informed him that he must remain in banishment for a time; but the Duke suspected the worst, and requested a priest who had said mass before him, to confess him. His fears were not groundless; for Froissart relates, that, “on the point of sitting down to dinner, when the tables were laid and he was about to wash his hands, four men rushed out from an adjoining chamber, and, throwing a towel round his neck, strangled him.” This is not exactly the fact; as, by the subsequent confession of one of the murderers, it was known that he was smothered with pillows. It was given forth that the Duke of Gloucester had died in his bed at the castle of Calais, and the treacherous Earl Marshal, his near relative, put on mourning, as did all the knights and squires in Calais. Froissart tells us, that some believed and others disbelieved this story; but it is clear that it was generally disbelieved; for, among other acts of treachery, it no doubt led to his deposition, and, there is every reason to suspect, to a similar end.[Pg 93]

In the Illumination there is a happy attempt at expression, though not of the most elevated kind; it is, however, highly characteristic, particularly the features of the Duke calling anxiously to the King, whose supercilious nonchalance, as he coolly rides off, is very happily portrayed. The back ground, however, does not very felicitously represent the sort of country where an ambuscade or surprise could be executed with very good effect, and looks exceedingly like the suburbs of a Dutch or Flemish village of the present day.[Pg 94]

Richard IIⁿᵈ setting out upon his invasion of Ireland.

[Pg 96][Pg 95]

PLATE XXI.

RICHARD II. SETTING OUT ON HIS EXPEDITION TO IRELAND.

A truce having been finally agreed upon between England and France, it was determined in the English Council, in the year 1394, that the opportunity should not be lost of making an attempt to completely subdue the Irish, which the King’s grandfather, Edward III., with all his military energy had not been able to effect, partly in consequence of the numerous wars in other quarters, in which he was engaged at the same time. Richard II. carried over an army of 4,000 men-at-arms and 30,000 archers, such a force as had never been seen in Ireland; and, with the assistance of his Uncles, who accompanied him, and the Earl of Ormond, who held large estates in that part of the country under English dominion, succeeded in subduing four kings or chiefs, who acknowledged his supremacy, and came to reside at Dublin. But it appears by Froissart’s description that they were little more than savages. It seems, however, that our chronicler shared the common prejudices that existed then, and, unfortunately, exist still against poor Ireland; for he says, among other things, in treating of their mode of warfare, that “they have pointed knives, with broad blades, sharp on both sides, with which they kill their enemies; but they never consider them as dead until they have out their throats like sheep, and opened them and taken out their hearts, which they carry off with them; and some say, who are well acquainted with their manners, that they devour them as delicious morsels.”[10]

The Illumination is peculiarly spirited, both in execution and arrangement, and the costumes are made out with sufficient accuracy to render them highly valuable as authorities. The picture represents the King at the head of his army, just issuing, apparently, from one of the ancient gates of London.[Pg 98][Pg 97]

The vision of Robert l’Ermite.

[Pg 100][Pg 99]

PLATE XXII.

THE VISION OF ROBERT L’ERMITE.

Robert Mennot, a squire of the country of Caux, in Normandy, a man whom Froissart describes as “of religious and holy life,” caused, about this time, much discussion upon the subject of a vision which he declared he had seen during a storm at sea, on his return from Syria. He described the vision as like a figure as bright as crystal, which said, “Robert, thou shalt escape from this peril, as well as thy companions for thy sake, for God has favourably heard thy prayers: he orders thee by me to return to France as speedily as thou canst, and instantly on thy arrival to wait on the king, and relate what has befallen thee. Thou wilt tell him to listen to peace with his adversary the King of England, for their wars have lasted too long. Do thou interfere boldly when conferences shall be holden to treat of peace between King Charles and King Richard, for thou shalt be heard; and all those who shall in any way oppose or prevent peace from taking effect, shall dearly pay for their wickedness in their lifetime.”

He had several interviews upon the subject of his vision with the King of France and his Council, and was present at a conference to treat of peace, where he spoke eloquently in its favour; but the Duke of Gloucester and some others were sceptical, and declared the whole a cheat. Nevertheless, his influence was considerable; and, by order of the King of France, he passed over to England, where he was well received by the Court of Richard II. He had many private interviews with the King, and his uncles the Dukes of York, Lancaster, and Gloucester; but the latter still continued incredulous. Robert the Hermit returned to France, laden with presents, after a month’s sojourn at the English Court.

The vision is exhibited in the illumination after the true conventional style of Catholic legends. The ship and figures in the foreground, with the deeply serpentine waves, forcibly call to mind old engravings in some of our early printed Bibles,[Pg 101] which point to the source of such illustrations in the Catholic missals and illuminated Bibles, from which, with slight alteration, they were frequently copied.

The border is taken from another part of the volume, the one attached to the present subject being very similar to one already given. In the present border the arms of De Commines occur again, and, in this instance, on “a field of France,” as though under the protection of that power.[Pg 102]

The liberation of the Lord de la Riviere.

[Pg 104][Pg 103]

PLATE XXIII.

THE LORD DE LA RIVIERE.

One of the first acts of the regency of the Dukes of Burgundy and Berri was the imprisonment of nearly all the King’s late ministers and advisers, against whom many heavy charges were brought, but few proved. Sir Oliver de Clisson had the good fortune to receive timely information, and effect his escape. But the Lord de la Riviere and Sir John le Mercier were seized and thrown into prison, and all their estates confiscated. Their subsequent pardon is thus related by Froissart[11]:—

“The Lord de la Riviere and Sir John le Mercier, after having been carried from prison to prison, and to different castles, were at last given up to the provost of the Châtelet, and in daily expectation of being put to death, through the hatred of the Dukes of Berry and Burgundy and their advisers. They had been in this melancholy state for more than two years, without the King being able to assist them. He, however, would not consent to their execution; and the Dukes of Berry and Burgundy perceived that the Duke of Orleans strongly befriended them. The Duchess of Berry was incessant in her entreaties with her lord in their favour, more particularly for the Lord de la Riviere; but they could not condemn one without the other, for they were both implicated in the same accusation. The solicitations of many worthy persons, added to the justice of their cause, were of much weight; and several of the great Barons of France thought they had now sufficiently suffered, and should be set at liberty; for that Sir John le Mercier had wept so continually when in prison, his sight was weakened so, that he could scarcely see, and it was currently reported he was quite blind.

“At length there was an end put to their sufferings; for the King, although he had consented to their imprisonment, for reasons which had been given him,[Pg 105] granted them this pardon, deferring further enquiry into what had been laid to their charge until a future opportunity, and when he should be more fully informed. All his lands and castles were restored to the Lord de la Riviere; and, in the first instance, the beautiful castle of Auneau, near Chartres, on the borders of Beauce; but he was ordered thither, and never to recross the river Seine, unless recalled by the King’s own mouth.

“Sir John le Mercier returned to his fine house of Noviant, of which he bore the title as Lord, in the Laonnois; and he had similar orders not to repass the rivers Seine, Marne or Oise, unless specially commanded by the King.

“They also bound themselves to go to whatever prison they might hereafter be ordered to by the King or his commissioners.

“The two Lords thankfully accepted this grace, and were rejoiced to be delivered from the Châtelet. On gaining their liberty, they thought they should be allowed to see the King, and thank him for his mercy; but it was not so: they were forced to quit Paris instantly, and set out for their different estates.

“They, however, gained their liberty, to the great joy of all who were attached to them.”

Among the figures in this illumination, that of the jailor is extremely characteristic; it is a happy impersonation of the jailor of all times, and might serve nearly as well for the representative of Dickens’s well-known Dennis, the hangman, with his knotted stick, as for the jailor of the Lord de la Riviere, near five centuries ago.[Pg 106]

The Coronation of Henry IV.

[Pg 108][Pg 107]

PLATE XXIV.

THE CORONATION OF HENRY IV.

On the last day of September, 1399, Henry Duke of Lancaster held a parliament at Westminster, at which were assembled the clergy, nobility, and deputies from different towns, according to their extent or wealth. In this parliament the Duke challenged the Crown of England, and claimed it as his own, for three reasons: first, by conquest; secondly, from being the right heir to it; and, thirdly, from the free resignation of it to him by King Richard. The parliament, being unanimous in his favour, was then dissolved; and the coronation took place in Westminster Abbey on the 13th of October.

The procession consisted of between eight and nine hundred horsemen, &c. &c.; and fountains of red and white wine were constantly playing along Cheapside and in the neighbourhood of the Abbey. The whole of the ceremony is described in a minute and interesting manner by Froissart.[12]

The illumination is one of the most rich and carefully executed in the volume, and forms a most interesting illustration of the ceremonial pageantry of the period.[Pg 110][Pg 109]

The interview of the Archbishop of Canterbury, with the Earl of Derby, at Paris.

[Pg 112][Pg 111]

PLATE XXV.

THE MEETING OF THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY WITH THE EARL OF DERBY AT PARIS.

The Earl of Derby was still in banishment, on account of his quarrel with the Earl Marshal, when the citizens of London determined, in consequence of many grievances, to attempt the removal of King Richard from the throne; and sent the Archbishop of Canterbury as their ambassador to the Earl, who was residing at Paris, proposing to him to return to England, and assume the government of the country. Froissart states, that, when the Earl of Derby heard the proposition from the Archbishop, he did not immediately reply, “but, leaning on a window that looked into the gardens, mused a while, having various thoughts in his mind.” He at length turned, and replied somewhat evasively, in a speech which our chronicler gives at full length. The Archbishop then recommended calling a council of his most intimate friends, which advice was adopted; and the council being unanimously in favour of accepting the proposals of the citizens of London, it was determined that he should immediately leave France by way of Brittany, under pretence of a visit to the Duke, who was his uncle by marriage. “To shorten the matter,” says Froissart, “the Earl managed his affairs with much discretion, and took leave of the King and all the Lords who were then at court; and, on his departure, made very handsome presents to the King’s officers, as he was bounden to do, and to the heralds and minstrels resident in Paris, who attended the farewell supper he gave at the Hotel de Clisson, to such of the French Knights as chose to partake of it.”

The miniature, which represents the meeting of the Archbishop and the Earl, is very richly coloured and carefully executed, particularly in the gilding; the gold employed about the fire, and in representing sparks in the smoke, being introduced[Pg 113] with remarkably happy effect. The plan of the fire-place is very accurately made out, and might suggest, perhaps, something in modern arrangements, as it seems, by means of the projecting canopy, to combine the advantages of an open grate with those of a stove, for it is not sunk in the wall like modern grates, by which much heat is lost in the chimney, but, on the contrary, stands out nearly as forward as a detached stove, by which a great economy of heat is effected.[Pg 115][Pg 114]

William of Hainault Count d’Ostrevant setting out on his expedition against Friesland.

[Pg 117][Pg 116]

PLATE XXVI.

WILLIAM OF HAINAULT SETTING OUT ON HIS EXPEDITION AGAINST FRIESLAND.

The duke Albert of Bavaria, and his son the count d’Ostrevant, having determined to invade Friesland and attempt its conquest, proclaiming that they had a lawful claim on it, raised a large army for that purpose. The king of France sent five hundred lances to their assistance; and Richard II. of England, also anxious to show his good feeling towards his cousin the count d’Ostrevant, sent two hundred archers and a body of men-at-arms, under the command of three knights of repute, two of whom were named Colleville and Cornewall; the name of the third was unknown to Froissart[13].

The Frieslanders in the meantime had determined to die with their liberty, rather than submit to any lord whatsoever; but the odds against them were fearful, as they could only raise an army of about thirty thousand men, the greater part having no other arms than hatchets or such like rude weapons, whilst Froissart tells us, that, had the fleet which bore their enemies to their shores been ranged in a line, it would have reached from Enchysen, where they embarked, to Kuynder, whence they intended to effect their landing—a distance of twelve leagues. In fact, the army of invaders amounted to upwards of one hundred thousand men. After an obstinate battle the Frieslanders were defeated with cruel slaughter; but in consequence of that want of continuity of plan and action which characterises nearly all the European wars of the middle ages, this victory led to no important results; and, after burning a few villages, the army re-embarked and returned to Lower Friesland to pass the winter.

The simple and natural arrangement of the line of armed men and their banners,[Pg 118] with which the Gothic artist has formed his miniature picture, might afford some useful hints to modern designers of cartoons; the simplicity is perhaps carried too far, but then it is free from the great vices of the modern schools, such as overstrained attitudes, exaggerated expression, fantastic, affected, and unnatural grouping, and artificial or rather theatrical effects of sudden light and shade. Without imitating the defects of these early practitioners of the art, a study of their earnest and unaffected simplicity of treatment might add much of that nobleness and repose of effect which is so deficient in modern historical pictures, and which ought to be one of their principal qualities. The contrivance by which the illuminator has in the small space of his miniature conveyed the idea of the passing of a large army, by means of the crowded line, or rather stream, of helmets, just seen over the steep banks of the hollow way through which they are passing, might certainly be improved to very good effect.[Pg 119]

The landing of the Lady de Coucy at Boulogne, on her return from England, in the Year 1399.

[Pg 121][Pg 120]

PLATE XXVII.

THE LANDING OF THE LADY DE COUCY AT BOULOGNE ON HER RETURN FROM ENGLAND IN THE YEAR 1399.

Almost immediately after the deposition of Richard II., in 1399, the lady of Coucy, who had been in attendance upon his queen Isabella, daughter of Charles VI., returned to France, conveying the first tidings of the events which had just occurred. Rumours had already reached that country through some merchants of Bruges, but the whole truth was not known at Paris till the arrival of this lady. The grief of the king, when he heard of the misfortunes which had overtaken his son-in-law, was so great that it caused a return of his frenzy, and his uncles again resumed the government of the kingdom. The citizens of Bourdeaux, where Richard was born, were much attached to him, and, on hearing of his deposition and imprisonment were greatly excited, as were the people of all the surrounding country; for he had always been popular in that province. These circumstances gave the French great hopes that they might detach them from their allegiance to the English, and they carried on many intrigues and secret negotiations with that view; but after the first effervescence of feeling was over, the people of the Bordelais took a calm view of the question, and decided, as Froissart quaintly narrates it, that as France was at that time oppressed with heavy taxes, it would be better for them to remain true to the English, who left them frank and free; saying, “If the Londoners have deposed king Richard and crowned king Henry, what is it to us? &c. &c.—we have more commerce with the English than the French, in wines, wool, and cloth. Let us therefore be cautious how we listen to propositions which we may hereafter repent[14].”

It appears from this passage that actually more of the Bourdeaux wines were[Pg 122] consumed in England than in France; so that an immense commerce of exchange between that district and England, equally advantageous to both, must then have flourished, which the interference of modern tariffs has, comparatively speaking, utterly destroyed.

The picture represents the disembarkation of the lady of Coucy at Boulogne-sur-Mer; and might, with slight alteration in the dresses of the principal personages, represent a party landing at Boulogne at the present time; for on the Continent, where liberal institutions and machinery have been more recent introductions than with us, habits and customs are far less changed. The form of the wheelbarrow is precisely that of the French wheelbarrows of the present day, and the blue frock of the man is still frequently worn by the barrow-men; the other porter too is carrying a trunk by means of a twisted rope, just in the manner which has descended to his successors of the present day on the quais of Calais and Boulogne, whilst the very form of the trunks is still orthodox with the manufacturers of such articles in the provincial towns of the Continent.

The respective characters of the party landing are most admirably delineated; the courtly step of the two male attendants, as they advance in earnest conversation, is cleverly contrasted with the boorish postures of the sailors and porters; and the serious propriety of the manner and expression of the lady, bearer of such evil tidings, is equally well discriminated from the pert nonchalance of the waiting-maid with her toilet-box and bundle. It is, on these accounts, one of the most interesting miniatures in the volume, though neither so richly coloured or highly finished as many others.[Pg 123]

The death of Pope Clement of Avignon.

[Pg 125][Pg 124]

PLATE XXVIII.

THE DEATH OF POPE CLEMENT OF AVIGNON.

This picture represents the death of Robert of Geneva, who died in the year 1394, at the papal palace of Avignon, with the title of Pope Clement VI., though, whether rightfully enjoyed or not, Froissart says he shall not discuss, as a matter not within his province. The heading of the chapter, “De la mort du pape Clement d’Avignon et de l’election du pape Benedic I., Chappitre 59,” is in red ink in the MS. The commencement of the chapter is, “En ce temps au mois de Septembre trespassa de ce siècle en son pallais d’Avignon Robert de Geneve, cy dessu nommé en nostre histoire[15].[Pg 127][Pg 126]”

[Pg 129][Pg 128]

PLATE XXIX.

THE KING OF FRANCE RECEIVING THE INTELLIGENCE OF THE DEFEAT IN TURKEY.

The unfortunate result of the King of Hungary’s campaign in Turkey, as well as the ransom of the prisoners, has been mentioned in the description of Plates XIV. and XIX. The present miniature represents the reception of the news at the French court. Sir James de Helly, who was one of the prisoners, had formerly served in Turkey under the sultan Amurat, so that he knew a little of the Turkish language, and was on that account selected by Bajazet to proceed to France on parole, in order to arrange the ransom of the other prisoners. Sir James arrived in Paris on the evening of Christmas-day, in the year 1396, and immediately waited on the king at the Hotel St. Pol, as represented in the miniature, in the same dress he had rode in, booted and spurred. Froissart tells us, that “when the intelligence brought by Sir James de Helly was made public, all who had lost husband, brother, father, or child, were in the utmost consternation, as may easily be imagined. The high nobility of France, such as the Duchess of Burgundy and the lady Margaret of Hainault, were greatly afflicted on account of their son and husband, the Count de Nevers, for he was greatly beloved by them. The Countess of Eu lamented her lord, the constable, as did the Countess de la Marche. The ladies of Coucy, Bar, and Sully, in like manner bewailed the melancholy situation of their lords. They were fortunate in having only their lords’ captivity to lament, and were somewhat comforted thereat. But the relatives and friends of those who had been massacred were inconsolable, and the grief of France lasted a long time.” For many highly interesting particulars, see Smith’s edition of Froissart, vol. ii., pp. 629, 630, and 631.[Pg 131][Pg 130]

The Duke of Gloucester and Sir John Lackingay.

[Pg 133][Pg 132]

PLATE XXX.

THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER AND SIR JOHN LACKINGAY.

Froissart tells us that the Duke of Gloucester plotted the destruction of the king, his nephew; and, in his evidently implicit faith in the divine right of kings, appears much shocked at the enormity of the duke’s delinquency; nevertheless, in the so-called treasonable conversations which he makes him hold with his confidant, Sir John Lackingay, the duke states nothing but the reasonable causes of complaint which so glaringly existed. He says, “If the King of England had a good head, &c., &c., he would take some pains to recover the inheritance the French have so shamefully stolen from him, &c., &c.; but things are not so: we have an unwarlike king, who is indifferent to arms,” &c., &c. And again: “The king raises heavy taxes on our merchants, who are greatly discontented, squanders the money no one knows how, and thus the country is impoverished[16];” with much more, all of which was too true. But our chronicler relates also, with less authority, that the duke actually proposed to his nephew, the Earl of March, to depose the king, and, with the help of the discontented Londoners, seize upon the government.

In justice, however, to Froissart, we must remark that he expresses the greatest indignation and horror at the treacherous arrest and cruel murder of the duke, consequent upon these reports.

The illumination is carefully drawn, especially the mantle of the duke, which has a picturesque and graceful effect.[Pg 135][Pg 134]

The death of Anne of Bohemia, Queen of Richard II.

[Pg 137][Pg 136]

PLATE XXXI.

THE DEATH OF ANNE OF BOHEMIA, &c. &c.

Richard II., soon after his accession, married Anne of Bohemia, sister of Wenceslaus, King of Bohemia and Emperor of Germany, with whom he lived happily till the year 1394, when about to start on his Irish expedition; at which period, Froissart tells us, “the Lady Anne, Queen of England, fell sick, to the great distress of the King and her household. Her disorder increased so rapidly, that she departed this life on the feast of Whitsuntide, in the year of grace 1394.”[17] It appears that the King felt her loss very severely, even venting his anguish upon the palace at Sheen, where she died, which he caused to be razed to the ground.

The funeral service was not performed at the time, as the King ordered extraordinary preparations to be made for the occasion, insomuch that, as our author says, “nothing was over seen like to it before, not even at the burial of the good Queen Philippa, nor of any other. The King would have it so, because she was the daughter of the King of Bohemia,[18] Emperor of Rome and of Germany. He was inconsolable for her loss, as they mutually loved each other, having been married young.” He farther states, that “there was no talk of the King’s marrying again, for he would not hear of it,” &c. &c. Nevertheless, not very long afterwards, he married Isabella, daughter of Charles VI., of France.

This Illumination has been selected principally for the accurate manner in which the ordinary fittings of a bed-room of the period are delineated, particularly the carpet of stamped leather, then in general use in the rooms of the sick.[Pg 139][Pg 138]

Evan de Foix, burnt to death at a masked dance at the Hotel de Sᵗ. Pol.

[Pg 141][Pg 140]

PLATE XXXII.

THE DEATH OF EVAN DE FOIX.

The well-known catastrophe exhibited in this picture occurred in the year 1393,[19] at the Hotel St. Pol, in Paris. There was a grand entertainment on the occasion of the marriage of one of the ladies of the Queen. A certain Hugonin de Guisay proposed to the King and four others, himself making the sixth, to disguise themselves as wild men, in dresses covered all over with flax to imitate hair.[20] They entered the apartment, five chained together, dancing, the King leading them, to the great astonishment and amusement of the company, who could not guess who they were, so complete was the disguise. The Duchess of Berri, who, although the King’s aunt, was yet the youngest lady present, beckoned the King to her, and put many joking questions to him, with the view of ascertaining his name, refusing to let him leave her till he had avowed it. At this moment, the Duke of Orleans, wishing to discover one of the others, placed a torch so near that the flax caught fire, and in a moment all five were enveloped in flames, breaking their chains and uttering fearful cries of agony. The Duchess de Berri, seeing the disaster, threw her dress (“goune,” as Froissart calls it) over the King, who, crouching beneath it, was saved. The son of the Lord of Nantouillet, when his dress took fire, recollected a tub of water close at hand, in the buttery (bouteillerie), where bottles and glasses were washed, and, plunging into it, saved his life, but was much burnt. The other four, Evan de Foix (bastard son of the Count Gaston), Hugonin de Guisay, the Compte de Joigny, and Charles de Poictiers, were burnt to death.[Pg 142] This sad event caused much to be said respecting the excesses of the Court; the King, it was rumoured, being then of an age to give up boyish sports and pastimes, and assume the severity and gravity of a great sovereign.[21]

The Gothic artist has succeeded in rendering the story with great graphic truth and completeness. The King beneath the robe of the Duchess—Nantouillet plunging into the tub of water—the agony of the four sufferers—the astonishment and grief of the Duke of Orleans—nothing, in short, is omitted; and, with all the accessories of musicians, furniture, &c. &c., the picture forms a most interesting and precious record of the manners of the time.[Pg 143]

The Duchess of Orleans quitting Paris.

[Pg 145][Pg 144]

PLATE XXXIII.

THE DUCHESS OF ORLEANS QUITTING PARIS.

The malady to which the King of France was subject generally attacked him every year, when he was for a time subject to delirium and madness. The disease defied all the attempts of the physicians. The royal family, as a last resource, threw themselves into the hands of the sorcerers of the time, who, to explain away their failures, declared that the devil had communicated to them the fact that the Duchess of Orleans, a daughter of the Duke of Milan, had, by magic arts, laid the King under a charm, with the view of causing his death, and so becoming Queen of France. These accusations soon became known and spoken of throughout all Paris, insomuch that the Duchess, to avoid the scandal of such reports, retired to Asnieres, where the Duke had a handsome château, and remained a long time absent from the Court.

The picture was selected on account of showing the mode of riding adopted by ladies of rank of the period; which, unlike that of the lower orders, appears very similar to the present manner, except that the saddle or pad appears to be without the peculiar pommel, or rather horn, used.[Pg 147][Pg 146]

The reconciliation of Sir Oliver de Clisson and the Duke of Brittany.

[Pg 149][Pg 148]

PLATE XXXIV.

RECONCILIATION OF SIR OLIVER DE CLISSON AND THE DUKE OF BRITTANY.

The feud that commenced, or rather recommenced, between Sir Oliver de Clisson and the Duke of Brittany, on account of the shelter afforded by the latter to Sir Peter de Craon, continued for a considerable time to harass the province; deadly engagements continually occurring, in which neither side showed any mercy. In this warfare, however, Sir Oliver had the advantage, as two-thirds of the country were in his favour. The Duke, aware that he should gain nothing by continuing the struggle, proposed an interview, which was declined by Sir Oliver, unless the eldest son of the Duke was left at his castle as an hostage. Sir Oliver had good reason to dread treachery from previous experience, and knew well that his death in any way would be pleasing to the Duke, who, in a time when treachery and cold-blooded murder were things of every-day occurrence, would probably not have scrupled to rid himself of an enemy in such a way. In the present instance, however, the feud was not destined to end by the assassination of either party. The Duke, at last, being determined to put an end to the war, sent the Viscount de Rohan, the Lord de Monboucher, and Sir Ives de Tegre, with his eldest son, to Castle Josselin, the residence of Sir Oliver, who was so much moved by this trait of confidence and sincerity, that he refused to detain the boy, and returned with him to his father at Vannes, the appointed place of meeting. Such occasional traits of generosity are the redeeming features in the dark picture of these times, and seldom failed in producing striking results. In this instance the termination of a long enmity was the immediate consequence; a treaty was agreed to in which each restored the lands and places taken in the war; and the Lord de Blois, who had married a daughter of De Clisson, and had some pretensions to the Dukedom of Brittany, received several castles and townships.[22][Pg 151][Pg 150]

Jehan de Varennes, Preaching.

[Pg 153][Pg 152]

PLATE XXXV.

JEHAN DE VARENNES PREACHING.

Froissart gives a short but interesting notice of the preaching of Jehan de Varennes, one of those restless but disinterested spirits who prepared the way for the Reformation. He says:—

“At this time, there was a clerk, well skilled in science, Doctor of Laws, and Auditor of the Palace: he was a native of the Archbishopric of Rheims, and called Sir John de Varennes.

“He was much advanced in the church for the services he had rendered Pope Clement and others, and was on the point of being a Bishop or Cardinal. He had also been chaplain to a Cardinal, called, at Avignon, Saint Peter of Luxembourg. This John de Varennes, beneficed and advanced as he was, resigned all, retaining only for his subsistence the canonry of our Lady at Rheims, which is worth by residence one hundred francs, otherwise not more than thirty.

“He quitted Avignon, returned to his native country, and fixed his abode at the village of Saint Lye, near Rheims, where he led a devout life, preaching the faith and works of our Lord, and praising the Pope of Avignon.

“He declared he was the true Pope, condemning by his speeches that of Rome. He was much attended to and followed by the people, who came to see him from all countries, for the sober and holy life he led, fasting daily, and for the fine sermons he preached. Some, however, said, that the Cardinals at Avignon had sent him thither to support their cause, and to exhibit the holiness of his life, which was devout enough to entitle him to be raised to the Papacy.

“Master John de Varennes would not allow himself to be called the holy man of Saint Lye, but simply the Auditor. He lived with his mother, and every day said mass very devoutly.

“All that was given him—for he asked for nothing—he distributed in alms to the glory of God.”[23]

This miniature is very carefully executed, and exhibits in an interesting manner the arrangements of a conventicle of the fourteenth or fifteenth century.[24] The artist has not failed to make evident that in his day, as in ours, the greater number and most devout proselytes of the popular preacher were females.[Pg 155][Pg 154]

The funeral of Richard II.

[Pg 157][Pg 156]

PLATE XXXVI.

THE FUNERAL OF RICHARD THE SECOND.

This is the last miniature in the MS. of the British Museum, and completes the present selection from that beautiful but unfortunately incomplete work. Froissart gives the following account of the funeral of Richard:—

“It was not long after this that a true report was current in London of the death of Richard of Bordeaux. I could not learn the particulars of it, nor how it happened, the day I wrote these chronicles. Richard of Bordeaux, when dead, was placed on a litter covered with black, and a canopy of the same. Four black horses were harnessed to it, and two varlets in mourning conducted the litter, followed by four knights, dressed also in mourning. Thus they left the Tower of London, where he died, and paraded the streets at a foot’s pace, until they came to Cheapside, which is the greatest thoroughfare in the city, and there they halted upwards of two hours. More than twenty thousand persons of both sexes came to see the King, who lay in the litter, his head on a black cushion, and his face uncovered.

“Some pitied him when they saw him in this state, but others did not, saying he had for a long time deserved death. Now consider, ye lords, dukes, prelates, and earls, how very changeable the fortunes of this world are. This King reigned twenty-two years in great prosperity, and with much splendour; for there never was a king of England who expended such sums, by more than one hundred thousand florins, as King Richard did in keeping up his state and his household establishments. I, John Froissart, canon and treasurer of Chimay, know it well; for I witnessed and examined it during my residence with him for a quarter of a year. He made me good cheer, because in my youth I had been secretary to King Edward, his grandfather, and the Lady Philippa of Hainault, Queen of England. When I took my leave of him at Windsor, he presented me, by one of his knights, called Sir John Golofre, a silver-gilt goblet, weighing full two marcs, filled with one hundred nobles, which were then of service to me, and will be so, as long as I live.

“I am bound to pray to God for him, and sorry am I to hear of his death;[Pg 158] but, as I have dictated and augmented this history to the utmost of my power, it became necessary to mention it, that what became of him might be known.

“I saw two strange things in my time, though widely different. I was sitting at dinner, in the city of Bordeaux, when King Richard was born; it was on a Wednesday, on the point of ten o’clock.

“At that hour Sir Richard de Pontchardon, then Marshal of Aquitaine, came to me and said—‘Froissart, write, that it may be remembered, my lady the princess is brought to bed of a fine son. He is born on Twelfth-day, the son of a king’s son, and shall be king himself.’ The gallant knight foretold the truth, for he was King of England twenty-two years; but he did not see what was to be the conclusion of his life.

“When King Richard was born, his father was in Galicia, which Don Pedro had given him to conquer. A curious thing happened upon my first going to England, which I have much thought of since. I was in the service of Queen Philippa, and when she accompanied King Edward and the royal family to take leave of the Prince of Wales at Berkhampstead, on their departure for Aquitaine, I heard an ancient knight, in conversation with some ladies, say, ‘We have a book called Brut, that declares neither the Prince of Wales, Dukes of Clarence, York, nor Gloucester, will be kings of England, but the descendants of the Duke of Lancaster.’ Now I, the author of this history, say that, considering all things, these two knights, Sir Richard de Pontchardon and Sir Bartholomew Burghersh, in what they said, were both in the right; for all the world saw Richard reign for twenty-two years in England, and the crown then fell to the house of Lancaster.

“King Henry would never have been king, on the conditions you have heard, if his cousin Richard had treated him in the friendly manner he ought to have done. The Londoners took his part for the wrongs the King had done him and his children, whom they much compassioned.”

“When the funeral car of King Richard had remained in Cheapside two hours, it was conducted forward, in the same order as before, out of town. The four knights then mounted their horses, which were waiting for them, and continued their journey with the body until they reached a village, where there is a royal mansion, called Langley, thirty-six miles from London. There King Richard was interred: God pardon his sins, and have mercy on his soul.”[25]

The book called Brut, alluded to by Froissart, is the romance of Brut, by Robert Wall.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] In a few impressions of the plate this is erroneously spelt Montadour.

[2] Johnes’ translation.

[3] “Of Sir Peter de Craon, and how he incurred the indignation of the King of France and the Duke of Touraine, his brother, and how he was received by the Duke of Brittany.” Chap. XXV.

[4] “At the time I am now speaking of was too great,” &c.

[5] Smith’s edition of Froissart, vol. ii. p. 593.

[6] Ibid. vol. ii. p. 602.

[7] Smith’s edition of Froissart, vol. ii. page 536.

[8] Smith’s edition of Froissart, Memoir, page xxiv., end vol. II., pages 568 and 577.

[9] Smith’s edition of Froissart, vol. II., p. 644.

[10] Smith’s edition of Froissart, Vol. II., p. 78.

[11] See Smith’s edition of Froissart, vol. ii. p. 588.

[12] See Smith’s edition of Froissart, vol. ii. page 698.

[13] See Smith’s edition of Froissart, vol. ii. p. 612.

[14] See Smith’s edition of Froissart, vol. ii. p. 702.

[15] “In this year, in the month of September, died at his palace at Avignon Robert of Geneva, previously mentioned in our history,” &c. &c. See Smith’s edition of Froissart, vol. ii. p. 563.

[16] See Smith’s edition of Froissart, vol. ii. p. 35.

[17] See Smith’s edition of Froissart, vol. i. p. 681, and vol. ii. p. 566.

[18] Froissart has previously described her as the sister of Wenceslaus, King of Bohemia, who became Emperor of Germany, and took the title of Emperor of Rome also.

[19] 29th January, 1392, Old Style.—Note of Buchon.

[20] The Monk of St. Denis says, “C’était une coutume pratiquée en divers lieux de la France, de faire impunément mille folies au mariage des femmes veuves, et d’emprunter avec des habits extravagants la liberté de dire des vilenies au mari et à l’épousée. Voilà pourquoi le Roi et ses cinques compagnons se déguisèrent en satyres et dansèrent des danses lascives en présence de toute la cour.”—Note of Buchon.

[21] For a full and most interacting account of this event, see Smith’s edition of Froissart, vol. ii. p. 550.

[22] For other particulars, and the History of the long contest between the Houses of Montfort and Blois for the Duchy of Brittany, see Smith’s edition of Froissart, Index at end of Vol. II., Articles Montfort, and Blois.

[23] See Smith’s edition of Froissart, Vol. II. page 565.

[24] De Varennes preached about 1390.

[25] See Smith’s edition of Froissart, Vol. II. page 708.

Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:

Geoffry=> Geoffrey {pgs. 21 & 22}

*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ILLUMINATED ILLUSTRATIONS OF FROISSART; SELECTED FROM THE MS. IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. ***

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.

START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™ electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property (trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the United States and you are located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™ works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™ trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™ License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project Gutenberg™ License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website (www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works provided that:

• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.”

• You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ works.

• You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of receipt of the work.

• You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™

Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit 501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations ($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™, including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back

back